Testimony of Ariane Hegewisch

Thank you, Chair Burrows, Vice Chair Samuels, and Members of the Commission, for the opportunity to participate in today’s hearing on barriers to equal employment opportunities in the construction industry.

My name is Ariane Hegewisch and I am a Senior Research Fellow at Institute for Women’s Policy Research (IWPR). We are a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization that engages in research and dissemination to shape public policy and improve the lives and opportunities of women from diverse backgrounds. Since it was founded in 1987, IWPR has conducted research on women’s dramatic underrepresentation in the construction trades and other skilled men-dominated occupations that pay a much higher wage at the same level of skill and education than jobs predominantly done by women.[1]  Most recently this includes our 2021 IWPR Tradeswomen’s Survey (the largest survey of U.S. tradeswomen ever, with 2,600 responses, from all 50 states and DC) and our qualitative work with Chicago Women in the Trades on the experiences of early career Black, Latina, and Afro Latina Tradeswomen.[2]

The COVID-19 related “she-cession” has put a spotlight on the concentration of Black and Brown women in low-wage jobs.[3] Unlike the jobs that will be supported by public infrastructure investments, these jobs do not provide economic security, let alone allow families to weather a dramatic economic downturn such as the COVID-19 crisis.

In 2021, the average Hispanic or Latina woman working full-time earned 58 cents on the dollar made by White men, and the average Black woman just 63 cents.[4] Gender differences in the distribution of women and men across occupations and industries account for half of the gender wage gap,[5] and contribute substantially to race and ethnic gender wage gaps.[6]

Working in the construction industry can provide good earnings with benefits, and opportunities to build a lifelong career without the need for a four-year college degree. This is particularly true in non-residential construction- the sector which will receive public infrastructure funds- where workers are most likely to be represented by unions, and where there has been a long tradition of apprenticeships, earn-while-you-learn opportunities leading to industry-recognized certificates. The median weekly full-time earnings for women covered by a union contract and working in construction occupations were over $1,100 before COVID[7], 1.4 times as high as the median weekly earnings of all women.[8]

A Black woman apprentice described the economic benefits of her apprenticeship:

“I experienced homelessness at the beginning of my apprenticeship. But also, through my apprenticeship I now have my own home.”[9]

An Asian woman apprentice explained why she joined the trades:

“I wanted a career to support me and my kids. I was tired of working and looking for jobs that lead nowhere and pay me nothing.” [10]

A Latina journeywoman who recently completed her apprenticeship explained why she loves her career in the trades:

“My daughter, she has a sense of pride now because she knows that her mom is an electrician. I always take pictures of the work that I have done. When I show it to her, she’s, ‘Oh, my goodness. You did that?’[11]

The number of women working in the trades in 2021, at more than 300,000, was at its highest level ever, almost a third higher than in 2016.[12] Growth rates for women in apprenticeships, across race and ethnicity, have also been in the double digits.[13] The construction industry (including tradeswomen as well as office, professional, and managerial staff) is one of a few industries where there now are more women on payroll than there were pre-COVID-19; the same is not true for men.[14]

Yet, in 2021,  women were just 3.9 percent of workers in construction trades, and just 11 percent of all workers in the construction industry when office, professional, and managerial staff are included.[15]  The construction industry employs over 10 million men (12.4 percent of all employed men) but just 1.2 million women (1.7 percent of all employed women).[16] One in five Hispanic or Latino men (and 2.3 percent of Hispanic or Latina women, the highest proportion among women though of course also vastly underrepresented, work in construction)[17] but both Hispanic or Latino men and women are much less likely than White workers to be employed in good union jobs in the sector.[18] Hispanic or Latino workers’ overrepresentation is even higher among those who work on the tools, accounting for almost four in ten workers (38.9 percent) in construction and extraction occupations in 2021.[19]

Black men’s share of workers in the construction industry (5.7 percent) broadly corresponds to their share of all employed workers (5.8 percent), while Asian men are substantially underrepresented in the industry, compared to their share of employed workers (1.7 compared with 3.5 percent). While we do not have recent data, earlier research also suggest that Black men are underrepresented in good union jobs in the industry.[20] The underrepresentation of Black women (0.6 percent compared with 6.5%) and Asian women (0.4% compared with 3.1 percent) is substantially more severe.[21]

The Bureau of Labor Statistics do not publish occupational data by both race, ethnicity, and gender, and data are limited to four broad categories of White, Black, Asian and Hispanic or Latino/a, with the data for White persons including Hispanic or Latino/a workers identifying as White, while data for Asian workers does not include Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islanders. Data for Native Americans are not available. Our 2016-2018 microdata analysis of women working in construction and extraction occupations found that Hispanic or Latina women were substantially overrepresented among women construction workers compared to their share of the total women workforce (32 compared with 16 percent) while women of other backgrounds were substantially underrepresented. Their shares of women construction trades workers compared to their share of the women workforce were respectively 55 compared with 63 percent for White non-Hispanic women, 8 compared with 13 percent of Black non-Hispanic women, 3 compared with 6 percent of Asian non-Hispanic women, and 2 compared with 3 percent for women of more than one race or other backgrounds.[22]  

So why are there so few women in the trades?

First, finding out about opportunities in the trades is haphazard.

A Black woman apprentice noted:

“If I had known about the trades and what they offer in high school, I would’ve been a journeywoman by now.”[23]

In IWPR’s 2021 Tradeswomen Survey just 6 percent of respondents reported that they had been told about opportunities in the trades from their high school counselor or learned about it at a job center. For the large majority finding out about the trades is down to luck – meeting a tradeswoman, living in a city with a women-focused pre-apprenticeship program, or having family and friends who are working in the industry.[24] [25] While having supportive family members can make it easier for women to navigate work in a male-dominated environment,  much more commonly the reliance on family ties creates additional barriers for women because the White men who are holding these jobs turn to sons, nephews, and other White men in their networks to share job opportunities.

Second, far too many face a hostile work environment.  

A Latina tradeswoman interviewed for our study recalled:

“There were a lot of moments, mostly in my apprenticeship, when I was being hazed. There were moments when I came home, and I just cried my eyes out. Ah those moments sucked. This guy Paul, I think it was my first year of apprenticeship, he told me, ‘I hate niggers and I hate spics.’ And I was like, ‘You know what, you have the right to your opinion and whatever you think.’ Because I knew he wanted a reaction. I was like, ‘There’s no fucking way I’m leaving now. You want me to leave, and I’m not going to give you the satisfaction.”[26]

A Black woman apprentice reported:

“I have a target on my back for being both female and Black. There is constant harassment, and I am not taken seriously about learning and working.”[27]

More than a quarter (26.5 percent) of respondents to the 2021 IWPR Tradeswomen survey reported that they are always or frequently harassed just for being a woman; close to a quarter (23.6 percent) that they always or frequently face sexual harassment; over a fifth (21.7 percent) of women of color report that they are always or frequently racially harassed; and close to a fifth (19.0 percent) of LGBTQ respondents say that they always or frequently face harassment based on sexual orientation.

Over one in four report that on their worksites there always or frequently is porn and graffiti disparaging to women; similar numbers report racist graffiti or symbols, and one in six reports frequent or constant exposure to swastikas and antisemitic graffiti.

Third, far too many women face discrimination in key aspects of employment.

A Black apprentice and immigrant described her experience as a third-year apprentice:

“When they saw me, like the first day, they started giving me little jobs. [… ] So, I went to the shop steward and told him about that, that I was doing fire stopping as a third-year apprentice and a first-year apprentice was doing conduit work. So, they sent me to another foreman [and he was like] ‘Are you legal in the country?’ Or, ‘You need speech for your accent.’ Things like that. And I became so drained. I became depressed and I thought, ‘Oh, my God, this is not for me.”[28]

A Latina journeyworker reported:

            “I realize I won’t be ALLOWED to work enough to survive.”[29]

A third of respondents (33.5 percent) report that they are never or rarely treated equally to men when it comes to promotions, more than a quarter (26.5 percent) that they are not treated equally during layoffs, over a fifth that they are not treated equally during hiring (22.1%), work assignments (21.4 percent), or on-the-job training (20.2 percent). For apprentices, discrimination in work assignments, use of tools, and hours of work means not only immediate cost but also long-term economic harm because it prevents them from acquiring the skills that will allow them to become a fully competent journey level workers once their apprenticeship is completed.

The experience of harassment and/or discrimination was severe enough for more than one in ten respondents (11.8 percent) to make an official complaint to the EEOC and/or seek advice from a lawyer. Perhaps even more disconcerting, three time as many said they took no action when they experienced harassment or discrimination because they were afraid of jeopardizing their job and future hiring opportunities.[30]

More than six in ten of those who raised an issue of discrimination or harassment with a supervisor or union official felt that the response was unsatisfactory, as did over half of those who reported having made a complaint to the EEOC.[31]

Not surprisingly, almost one in two tradeswomen respondents to the 2021 IWPR Tradeswomen Survey (47.7 percent) have seriously considered leaving their careers altogether.[32] IWPR’s study of the financial cost of sexual harassment estimates lifetime losses of $1.3 million for a woman who was pushed out of her union carpentry apprenticeship in her third year because of harassment and instead took a job as a non-union bus driver.[33]

Yet, while our research and interviews with tradeswomen point to a very serious problem in the industry, the results of the survey also show that it is perfectly possible for the construction industry to provide non-discriminatory, welcoming work sites. A plurality of respondents, including women of color, on all questions report that their workplaces are mostly or always harassment-free and that they feel treated equally to men. While this is progress, it is perhaps also a sign of the dire state of affairs in the industry that it counts as progress when harassment and discrimination are common experiences for only between a fifth and a quarter of women in the trades, and when women make up one in 25 workers in construction occupations.

What to do to Knock Down Walls in the Construction Industry

The Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act of 2021[34] authorized expenditure of $1.2 trillion of new funds for roads, bridges, surface transportation, broadband, energy efficiency and public transportation, and related projects, with the expectation that the investments will create good-paying union jobs.[35] This historic level of investment provides a once in a lifetime opportunity—and obligation—to tackle the practices that keep women from entering and thriving in the trades. It is no mystery how to achieve welcoming and fair workplaces in the construction industry. What is needed are intentionality and oversight to ensure that women, particularly women of color, are no longer excluded or forced to work in unacceptable conditions in an industry receiving large amounts of public dollars.

Such intentional policies include setting, publishing, and monitoring ambitious goals for the hours worked by women in the construction trades, by race and ethnicity, and to provide technical assistance to contractors to meet and exceed those goals while holding them accountable for their performance.[36]  

The EEOC can play a role in increasing public accountability and highlight differences between leaders and laggards in progress towards greater equity by analyzing and publishing construction related data by gender, race, and ethnicity as collected in EEO-1 and EEO-3 reports. Likewise, while the federal Office of Apprenticeship collects detailed apprenticeship data by gender, race, and ethnicity for the construction trades, such data are not routinely published.

Our research also makes clear that for those who face incidents of harassment and discrimination, more often than not complaint processes do not work, either because those who made complaints feel unsatisfied with the outcomes, or because their fear of retaliation prevents them from raising a complaint in the first place. Developing more tailor-made mechanisms for the construction industry that take account of the high incidence of subcontracting and the easy identification of women who make complaints, such as the establishment of an independent ombuds function, would be helpful.

The Cities of Portland, Oregon and Boston, Massachusetts provide examples of the impact of such approaches.[37] The  Portland Safe from Hate Alliance is a regional industry coalition bringing  together a broad group of industry stakeholders, including public owners, contractors and subcontractors, unions, registered apprenticeship, and community-based organizations to ensure that construction worksites in Portland are respectful, and that any incidences of racism, hate, and harassment are addressed promptly and systematically.[38] The Rise Up program from Seattle- which is also being adopted in Oregon and Massachusetts-  offers tools for construction-industry specific respectful workplace training.[39] Jointly with management, unions such as the Ironworkers nationally and the Sheetmetal workers in New York and Long Island have taken steps to tackle hostile work environments and create accountability for increasing diversity and inclusion in the trades.[40] These and other initiatives show that it is possible to create a welcoming, inclusive and equitable work environment in the industry.

 

 

[1] See, for example, Ariane Hegewisch, Marc Bendick Jr., Barbara Gault, Heidi Hartmann, Pathways to Equity: Narrowing the Wage Gap by Improving Women’s Access to Good Middle-Skill Jobs. IWPR Report #C438 (Washington DC: Institute for Women’s Policy Research, 2016) or Ariane Hegewisch and Heidi Hartmann, Occupational Segregation and the Gender Wage Gap: A Job Half Done. Scholar’s Paper to Commemorate the 50th Anniversary of the publication of the report of President Kennedy’s Commission on the Status of American Women (U.S. Department of Labor, 2014) <http://www.dol.gov/asp/evaluation/reports/WBPaperSeries.pdf>.

[2] Ariane Hegewisch and Eve Mefferd, A Future Worth Building: What Tradeswomen Say about the Change they Need. (Washington, DC: Institute for Women’s Policy Research, 2021) <https://iwpr.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/A-Future-Worth-Building_What-Tradeswomen-Say_FINAL.pdf>; Chandra Childers, Ariane Hegewisch, and Lark Jackson, “Here to Stay: Black, Latina, and Afro-Latina Women in the Construction Trades Apprenticeships and Employment.” (Chicago, IL: National Center for Women’s Equity in Apprenticeship and Employment at Chicago Women in the Trades, 2021) < https://iwpr.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Here-to-Stay_revision2.pdf>.

[3] See C. Nicole Mason, Andrea Flynn, and Shengwei Sun, Build(ing) the Future: Bold Policies for a Gender-Equitable Recovery, Report, IWPR #C491 (Washington DC: Institute for Women’s Policy Research, 2020),

[4] Earnings ratio for full-time weekly workers; the gaps are wider when full-time and part-time workers are included, reflecting women’s lower access to full-time work; Ariane Hegewisch and Eve Mefferd, The Gender Wage Gap Remains in Year Two of the Pandemic; IWPR Fact Sheet #C511 (Washington DC: Institute for Women’s Policy Research, 2022) <https://iwpr.org/iwpr-publications/fact-sheet/gender-wage-gaps-remain-wide-in-year-two-of-the-pandemic/>.

[5] See Francine Blau and Lawrence Kahn “The Gender Wage Gap: Extent, Trends, and Explanations,” Journal of Economic Literature 55:3 (2017): 789–865

[6] See, for example, Kate Bahn and Carmen Sanchez Cumming, “The Intersectional Wage Divides Faced by Asian American, Native Hawaiian, and Pacific Islander Women in the United States.” (Washington, DC: Washington Center for Equitable Growth, 2021) <https://equitablegrowth.org/the-intersectional-wage-divides-faced-by-asianamerican-native-hawaiian-and-pacific-islander-women-in-the-united-states/>; Kate, Bahn and Will McGrew, “The Intersectional Wage Gaps Faced by Latina Women in the United States.” (Washington, DC: Washington Center for Equitable Growth, 2017) <https://equitablegrowth.org/the-intersectional-wage-gaps-faced-by-latina-women-inthe-united-states/>; Coral Del Río and Olga Alonso-Villar, “The Evolution of Occupational Segregation in the United States, 1940–2010: Gains and Losses of Gender– Race/Ethnicity Groups.” Demography 52 (3): 967–88 (2015); Valerie Wilson, and William M. Rodgers III, “Black-White Wage Gaps Expand with Rising Wage Inequality.” (Washington DC: Economic Policy Institute, 2016) <https://www.epi.org/publication/black-white-wage-gaps-expand-with-rising-wageinequality/>.

[7] Ariane Hegewisch and Tanima Ahmed, Growing the Numbers of Women in the Trades: Building Equity and Inclusion through Pre-Apprenticeship Programs (Chicago: National Center for Women’s Equity in Apprenticeship and Employment at Chicago Women in the Trades, 2020) <https://womensequitycenter.org/best-practices/>, based on analysis of 2016-2018 Current Population Survey micro data.

[8] In 2018, the median weekly earnings for women working full-time were $789; U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, “Highlights of Women’s Earnings in 2018.” (Labor Force Statistics from the Current Population Survey, 2022) <https://www.bls.gov/opub/reports/womens-earnings/2018/home.htm>.

[9] Childers, Hegewisch, and Jackson at note 2 above.

[10] Write-in response to 2021 IWPR Tradeswomen Survey; Hegewisch and Mefferd, note 2 above

[11] Childers, Hegewisch, and Jackson at note 2 above.

[12] Ariane Hegewisch and Eve Mefferd, “Numbers Matter: Clarifying the Data on Women Working in Construction;” (Washington, DC: Institute for Women’s Policy Research, 2022) <https://iwpr.org/iwpr-publications/briefing-paper/numbers-matter-clarifying-the-data-on-women-working-in-construction/>.

[13] The U.S. Department of Apprenticeship (OA) does not publish breakdowns of apprenticeship data by occupation, gender, race, and ethnicity; IWPR’s analysis of OA RAPID data base (covering 25 states in the federal apprenticeship system) found that between 2016 and 2019, the number of Latina apprentices increased by 91.9% to 2,059, and respectively by 58.2% to 6,110 White non-Hispanic, 53.2% to 2,193 Black, 45.7% to 274 Native, and by 38.1% to 384 Asian and Pacific Islander women apprentices; in 2019, women were 3.6 percent of all apprentices in the trades; see Hegewisch and Mefferd, note 2 above.

[14] Ariane Hegewisch and Eve Mefferd, “Women Make Gains in Men-Dominated Jobs, but Still Lag Behind in COVID-19 Recovery”; IWPR Quick Figure #Q103 (Washington, DC: Institute for Women’s Policy Research, 2022) <https://iwpr.org/iwpr-publications/quick-figure/women-make-gains-in-men-dominated-jobs-but-still-lag-behind-in-covid-19-recovery/>.

[15] Ariane Hegewisch and Eve Mefferd, “Numbers Matter: Clarifying the Data on Women Working in Construction;” (Washington, DC: Institute for Women’s Policy Research, 2022) <https://iwpr.org/iwpr-publications/briefing-paper/numbers-matter-clarifying-the-data-on-women-working-in-construction/>.

[16] IWPR analysis of U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics Current Population Survey “Table 3. Employment status of the civilian noninstitutional population by age, sex, and race, 2021;" “Table 6. "Employment status of the Hispanic or Latino population by sex, age, and detailed ethnic group, 2021;" and “Table 14. Employed persons in nonagricultural industries by age, sex, race, and Hispanic or Latino ethnicity, 2021;” Household Data Annual Averages; Labor Force Statistics from the Current Population Survey <https://www.bls.gov/cps/tables.htm#empstat>.

[17] As above.

[18] Based on an analysis of the Current Population Survey, in 2016-2018, the median weekly earnings for a full-time woman worker in construction & extraction occupations were $1,134 compared to just $680 for a woman not covered by a union contract; for men the corresponding earnings were $1,172 and $774; union coverage for workers in construction and extraction occupations was 25.5% for White men and 24.7% for White women compared with 10.2% for Hispanic or Latino men and 9.3% for Hispanic or Latina women (sample size too small to analyze data for Black, Asian, or Native American women);  Ariane Hegewisch and Tanima Ahmed, Growing the Numbers of Women in the Trades: Building Equity and Inclusion through Pre-Apprenticeship Programs (Chicago: National Center for Women’s Equity in Apprenticeship and Employment at Chicago Women in the Trades, 2020)< https://womensequitycenter.org/best-practices/>; see also Ken Jacobs and Kuochih Huang, The Public Cost of Low-Wage Jobs in California’s Construction Industry (Berkeley, CA: UC Berkeley Labor Center, 2021) <https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/the-public-cost-of-low-wage-jobs-in-californias-construction-industry/>.

[19] IWPR analysis of U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics Current Population Survey, “Table 11. Employed persons by detailed occupation, sex, race, and Hispanic or Latino ethnicity.” Household Data Annual Averages; Labor Force Statistics from the Current Population Survey <https://www.bls.gov/cps/tables.htm#empstat>.

[20] See note 19 above; Lawrence Mishel, “Racial Underrepresentation in Construction: How Do The Union And Nonunion Sectors Compare?” Working Economic Blogs (Washington DC: Economic Policy Institute, October 30, 2013) <https://www.epi.org/blog/racial-underrepresentation-construction/>.

[21] As note 16 above.

[22] Hegewisch and Ahmed, see note 18 above.

[23] Write-in response to 2021 IWPR Tradeswomen Survey; Hegewisch and Mefferd, note 2 above.

[24] Hegewisch and Mefferd, see note 2 above.

[25] For examples of women-focused pre-apprenticeship programs and their impact, see the National Center for Women’s Equity in Apprenticeship and Employment at Chicago Women in the Trades <https://womensequitycenter.org/best-practices/>; also see the National Taskforce on Tradeswomen’s Issues for a list of tradeswomen’s groups <https://tradeswomentaskforce.org/about-us>.

[26] Childers, Hegewisch, and Jackson, see note 2 above.

[27] Write-in response to 2021 IWPR Tradeswomen Survey; Hegewisch and Mefferd, see note 2 above

[28] Childers, Hegewisch, and Jackson, see note 2 above

[29] Write-in response (her capitalization) to 2021 IWPR tradeswomen Survey; Hegewisch and Mefferd, see note 2 above.

[30] Ariane Hegewisch and Eve Mefferd, "2021 IWPR Tradeswomen's Retention and Advancement Survey." Compendium to A Future Worth Building: What Tradeswoman Say about the Change They Need in the Construction Industry. (Washington, DC: Institute for Women's Policy Research, 2021) <https://iwpr.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/11/Tradeswomens-Retention-Advancement-Survey_2021.pdf>

[31] See Eve Mefferd, “New Tradeswomen Survey Shows that Construction Industry Needs to Tackle Discrimination and Harassment to Retain Women; Oregon Initiatives Show How.” In the Lead Blog (Washington DC: Institute for Women’s Policy Research, November 22, 2022) < https://iwpr.org/media/in-the-lead/new-tradeswomen-survey-shows-that-construction-industry-needs-to-tackle-discrimination-and-harassment-to-retain-women-oregon-initiatives-show-how/>.

[32] Hegewisch and Mefferd, see note 2 above.

[33] Ariane Hegewisch, Jessica Forden, and Eve Mefferd, Paying Today and Tomorrow: Charting the Financial Costs of Workplace Sexual Harassment. Report (Washington, DC: Institute for Women’s Policy Research, 2021) <https://iwpr.org/iwpr-publications/paying-today-and-tomorrow-report/>.

[34] H.R.3684 - Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act <https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/3684/text>.

[35] The White House, “FACT SHEET: Bipartisan Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act.” Statement and Releases (United States, Office of the Press Secretary, November 2, 2021) <https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2021/11/06/fact-sheet-the-bipartisan-infrastructure-deal/>; see also U.S. Department of Labor, Memorandum of Understanding between the United States Department of Transportation and the United States Department of Labor’ (U.S. Department of Transportation and U.S. Department of Labor, February 7, 2022) <https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/OPA/newsreleases/2022/03/OSEC20220210.pdf>.

[36] See, for example, Committee on Transportation & Infrastructure Subcommittee on Highways & Transit Hearing on Examining Workforce Development and Job Creation in Surface Transportation Construction, Written Statement of Kelly Kupcak, Executive Director, Oregon Tradeswomen on behalf of the National Taskforce on Tradeswomen’s Issues (April 27, 2022) <https://transportation.house.gov/committee-activity/hearings/04/18/2022/examining-workforce-development-and-job-creation-in-surface-transportation-construction>;  the National Center for Women’s Equity in Apprenticeship and Employment at Chicago Women in the Trades <https://womensequitycenter.org/best-practices/>; the Policy Group for tradeswomen’s Issues, Best Practices (Boston, MA: PGTI, the Policy Group for tradeswomen’s Issues, 2022) <https://policygroupontradeswomen.org/best-practices/>; and Chapter V of Hegewisch and Mefferd, note 2 above.

[37] See Hegewisch and Mefferd, and the National Center for Women’s Equity in Apprenticeships and Employment, at note 2; on the impact of a systematic approach to workforce diversity in construction at state level, see Maura Kelly, Lindsey Wilkinson, Affie Edo-Idador, and Larry S. Williams, “Improving the Recruitment and Retention of Construction Apprentices through Oregon’s Highway Construction Workforce Development Program” Journal of Applied Social Sciences (2022, March) <https://doi.org/10.1177/19367244221078167>.

[38] See Mefferd at note 31.

[39] See ANEW <https://anewcareer.org/31611-2/>; see also Portland Metro, Oregon Tradeswomen, and Work Systems, Regional Respectful Workplace Model Review Committee Recommendations: Tools to address jobsite culture in Construction. (Oregon Department of Transportation: Portland, OR, October 2020) <https://www.oregon.gov/odot/equity/Documents/Research%20Respectful%20Worksites%20-%20Tools%20to%20Support%20Jobsite%20Culture%20%20in%20Constructino%20-%20Worksystems.pdf>.

[40] See references in note 37 above for more details.